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Big Brother Watch, a limited company registered in England and Wales.
Registered office Chinaworks, London, SE1 7SJ
Registered number 06982557.
We are crowdfunding to grow the greatest possible fight against domestic Covid passes - and now we're bringing the first human rights legal challenge in the UK against Covid passes.
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We understand businesses have had a tough time, but fairness, rights and equality are more important than safety theatre. Covid passes make no one safer, but seriously harm rights and equality and are turning us into an exclusionary papers-carrying society. When businesses and events are open, they must be open safely and fairly for everyone. It's critical: if you oppose Covid passes #BOYCOTTCOVIDPASSES. To date, 11 rights groups, 16 peers and 83 MPs (44 Conservative, 25 Labour, 12 Lib Dems, 1 Green, 1 Ind) have joined the cross-party campaign to oppose Covid-status certificates. MPs and peers from Labour, the Liberal Democrats and Conservative parties have signed a pledge: "We oppose the divisive and discriminatory use of COVID status certification to deny individuals access to general services, businesses or jobs." Covid passes have been pushed through parliaments across the UK, but we will keep the pressure up on all politicians to scrap them at the earliest opportunity. If you are a parliamentarian or organisation and you wish to join the list please email info@bigbrotherwatch.org.uk In April 2021, the Government opened a review into the introduction of Covid-status certification. In response we launched a report detailing the case against making Britain a two-tier society.The Government’s review concluded that introducing Covid passes would be “disproportionate”. There is no evidence that covid passes will improve public health. The only parliamentary committee to analyse Covid passes in detail, the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee (PACAC), concluded that there is “no justification for them in the science and none in logic”. A vaccine ID does not tell you that an individual does not have covid or cannot spread covid. Vaccination status primarily tells the individual about their own risk of illness from the virus. The availability of effective vaccines means that those most vulnerable to covid-19 are highly protected from serious illness. Over 90% of people aged over 16 years old across the four nations have received a first dose, and approximately 94% of the population has antibodies (ONS) The available vaccines are not able to prevent infections or transmission of the virus - but data shows they are successfully cutting hospitalisations and deaths from the virus. Therefore, during a wave of infections, transmission of the virus is highly likely in vaccinated-only environments. A paper by researchers at Oxford University found that peak viral load of the Delta strain of the virus is similar in unvaccinated people as it is in vaccinated people, meaning there is a similar risk in an infected vaccinated person spreading the virus as an infected unvaccinated person. The Government’s own covid certification review in July 2021 concluded that the “burden” of covid passes would be “disproportionate” to any benefits, and that they should not be mandated. Since then, vaccination rates have only increased – so it is unclear what the Government’s policy change is in aid of. If the Government’s analysis is that the situation is worse now than it was in July, the case for vaccine passes would be weakened further still, as vaccination coverage is considerably greater than it was in July. Mass testing is not the answer. The MHRA, senior advisors at the Department of Health, and the Royal Statistical Society have all voiced concerns about the Government’s use of mass testing. Lateral flow tests (LFTs) suffer from inaccuracy and miss the majority (60%) of asymptomatic infections – the very purpose they would be deployed for. The Innova LFTs, which the Government has spent £3bn on, do not meet the acceptable standards set by the WHO for confirming or ruling out COVID-19 whilst the FDA issued an urgent recall of the tests due to accuracy issues and urged people to put them “in the trash”. The recent Cochrane meta-analysis, carried out by an international, independent team of experts, concluded that there is “virtually no evidence for mass screening of asymptomatic individuals using rapid antigen tests in people with no known exposure.” Read more in our summary briefing on test certification. Moreover, if community prevalence were high, people being tested could be exposed to the virus between tests and the events in question – e.g. on public transport to the event or pubs. As PACAC concluded, there is no justification for covid passes in science and none in logic. There is no silver bullet out of the pandemic. Free and fair access to vaccines, healthcare, quarantine support, test and trace, and proportionate safety measures are needed to protect public health. The effect of Covid passes would be to socially and economically exclude people based on private medical data, and deny them basic freedoms. In doing so, some of the most marginalised in society would suffer discrimination. Under equality law, it is unlawful to discriminate against people with ‘protected characteristics’ - which include age, disability, pregnancy and religion or belief. Segregating society according to vaccination status discriminates against: Research shows that people on lower incomes are the most ‘hesitant’ or unlikely to receive Covid vaccines. The poorest in our society have been at disproportionate risk during the pandemic, working in sectors that broadly remained open whilst others worked from home. As a result, millions of working class people were exposed to the virus and acquired natural immunity, which research suggests is longer lasting than vaccine-induced immunity. We cannot simply erase histories and experiences of discrimination and hostility that have created distrust – in fact, vaccine segregation would only deepen discrimination and alienate people even more. This would be disastrous for trust in public health authorities when trust is desperately needed. Finally, it is important to remember that there are millions of citizens of the world who simply will not have access to Covid-19 vaccines for years to come. Only 1.8% of people in low-income countries have received at least one dose. As we emerge from the pandemic, disproportionate vaccine requirements should not unfairly impede their freedom of movement and close the world to them. Given that the NHS Covid Pass currently allows a negative test result instead of presenting vaccine status, some have argued that this bypasses any discrimination. However, with shortages of tests and indications that lateral flow tests will not remain free indefinitely, people who have not been vaccinated may be forced to pay for their passes. A recent major study from the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine found that Covid passes would harden vaccine rejection among many people in the UK, particularly those in marginalised groups. Far from encouraging uptake, coercive measures increase uncertainty, breed distrust and deepen alienation. In fact, coercing people to have vaccines can be counter-productive if it lowers trust and raises suspicions. Further, the Government’s repeated U-turns and ‘review’ into vaccine passports has done little to foster trust. Many people are now understandably preoccupied with protecting their right to freely choose vaccinations, anxious about how it could affect their employment, and worried about the threat of social exclusion, rather than building a positive association with their free choices over covid vaccines. Warranted distrust in proposals for an unprecedented system of vaccine checkpoints could rapidly blend into distrust of the whole vaccine programme. There is some precedent in the UK on vaccine compulsion. In 1853, the Vaccination Act made smallpox vaccinations of infants compulsory; in 1867, vaccinations were made compulsory for all under-14s. The new laws resulted in fines, prosecutions, court challenges and even a mass protest of 100,000 people. The policy had sparked an anti-vaccination movement and the emergence of the National Anti-Vaccination League. Eventually, in 1898, the law was changed so that vaccines were no longer mandatory and the anti-vaccination movement subsided. Today, the Public Health Act 1984 specifically prohibits forced vaccinations – and we have some of the highest vaccine uptake rates in Europe. It would be backwards and counter-productive for the UK to make the same mistakes of coercive Victorian medicine policies. The UK has a proud history of opposition to ID cards. We have never been a ‘papers please’ country. But Covid passes turn us into a two-tier, checkpoint society where we each have to show an app or certificate simply in order to enjoy public life. This would be a serious break from our long-guarded democratic traditions and would disadvantage marginalised people. In fact, when arguing against ID cards in 2003, Michael Gove – who led the Government’s review of Covid Status Certificates - said: “We as free citizens devolve power upwards. We don’t operate at the license or leisure or pleasure of those who happen to govern us at any given point (…) The idea that we should be licensed to exist by the state is, as a matter of principle, wrong.” However, covid passes do precisely that – they are a license to exist. The combination of apps with sensitive health data and the subversion of everyday businesses and events into checkpoints constitutes the biggest expansion of the surveillance state ever seen in the UK. Proposals for Covid Status Certificates must be viewed in the context of the ever-growing surveillance state and growing problems with data exploitation. In particular, we have been observing and challenging moves by political and corporate powers towards biometric surveillance systems for border control, law enforcement and generalised surveillance. For many, covid passes rely on facial recognition on the NHS app. If the whole population is forced to accept this, it may not be too long before facial recognition checks come off our phoness – after all, not everyone has a smart phone – and onto facial recognition cameras at so-called “seamless” checkpoints. There are already reports of this being trialled in some care homes. Tech vendors claim facial recognition is necessary to prevent vaccine pass fraud, and also that it makes the certificate “more private” than an ID card as it won’t need to show other personal details like your name and address. But this couldn’t be further from the truth. In reality, biometric health passes could easily be like ID cards on steroids. Having your private medical data digitally connected to permanent, unchangeable, biologically identifying data like your facial biometric can be dangerously more intrusive than an ID card. Facial recognition opens the possibility of us all becoming walking ID cards, whose data can be accessed with or without our choice. Covid Status Certificates are currently only used for covid-19 – but after the huge cost and reorganisation of society, it's likely that covid passes will expand for other purposes. The rationale underpinning health passports will likely be applied to other vaccines, seasonal influenza and other health issues – and potentially much more. It is quite possible that biological risk scores could expand and morph over time. Covid passes are not time-limited. If we accept covid certificates now, we will never be able to get rid of digital health passes. Almost every promise about ‘temporary’ measures over the past two years has been broken as they have endured and expanded. If people accept the claim of authorities that Covid passes are the only way for us to get our freedom back, taking them away will create insecurity. Similarly, over-bearing airport security theatre and many of the excessive counter-terror laws enforced post-9/11 have never been rolled back, but expanded. This isn’t even as simple as a division between vaccinated and unvaccinated people. As more research emerges about the effectiveness of different vaccines against different coronavirus strains, it is feasible that covid passes could be used to put controls on people who are deemed to require booster shots.. And, it’s not even just about controls from authorities – it’s also about the severely divisive social impact covid passes would have. The segregation of vaccinated and unvaccinated people will lead to fear, hatred, and a sense of entitlement among some to be abusive to others who are suspected of being a ‘risk’. A national policy allowing or encouraging such division could severely fuel and exacerbate hostility between social groups. We are experiencing one of the greatest challenges the world has faced since WWII. The best way we can get through this is together – with compassion, care and community. However, Covid Status Certificates would force people apart, leading to division and discrimination. Bodily autonomy is an important aspect of the right to privacy. Compulsory vaccination, as an involuntary medical treatment, amounts to an interference with the right to a private life (Solomakhin v Ukraine). We believe individuals have the right to make their own choices about their own bodies. However, Covid passes, alongside new mandatory vaccine laws for health and social care staff, clearly cause some people to feel coerced, rather than supported, to receive vaccines. They have a similar effect to mandatory vaccine policies, which are typically imposed by exclusion or penalties for those who decline vaccines. The penalty of reduced liberties for otherwise healthy individuals who refuse medical treatment or testing marks a serious change in our public health system. An NHS Covid pass is used to gain entry to certain events and venues in England – Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have their own apps. It is part of the NHS app and displays a QR code that can be scanned by a venue to allow entry. Two doses of an MHRA approved vaccination, a recent lateral flow or PCR test or an NHS approved medical exemption provides access. A paper version can be printed and used as an alternative. Many people find Covid pass schemes even more onerous and obstructive if they do not have a smart phone. This disproportionately affects older people and people on lower incomes. In theory, people without a smart phone can apply for a paper certificate, which they then have to carry, and which has a time-limited QR code. The process for obtaining a physical certificate varies across the four nations. No, a covid pass is nothing like a driving license. A driving license provides evidence of a qualification. We do not need a qualification merely in order to live. No, covid passes are nothing like a yellow card. Unlike yellow fever certificates, the Covid Status Certificate is a population-wide, digital pass for access to domestic businesses, services and events. Evidence of a yellow fever vaccination is typically a paper document provided for entry to select countries where the local risk of yellow fever – which has a far higher fatality rate than covid-19 – is high. The WHO advises against requirements of proof of Covid-19 vaccination for international travel as a condition of departure or entry, given that there are “critical unknowns” regarding the efficacy of vaccination in reducing transmission. The WHO states:
“A number of scientific unknowns remain concerning the effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines: efficacy in preventing disease and limiting transmission, including for variants of SARS-CoV-2; duration of protection offered by vaccination; timing of booster doses; whether vaccination offers protection against asymptomatic infection; age and population groups that should be prioritized for vaccination, specific contraindications, how long before travel vaccines should be offered; and possible exemption of people who have antibodies against SARS-CoV-2.” Vaccination entry requirements have never been imposed as blanket rules internationally – they should be specific, limited and proportionate to the local context and risks associated with individual countries. You can read all the reasons above on why vaccine passports, even with exemptions, are unnecessary, divisive, discriminatory and wrong. It’s important to consider that even a covid pass showing an individual is medically exempt would incur a serious privacy intrusion, leading others to deduce that the exempt individual must have health problems or is pregnant. This is not only an invasion of privacy, but could lead to disadvantageous treatment – particularly in an employment context. Businesses can broadly decide who they do and do not serve. However, if businesses deny services based on vaccine passes, they may be at risk of unlawfully discriminating against people on the basis of protected characteristics (see our section above on discrimination). The Government has a duty to protect people from discrimination too – so if public authorities support checkpoint systems that lead to unlawful discrimination, the Government could be breaching its legal duties too. No. Austria has entered into a full lockdown despite its policy of mandatory vaccine passports. Previously, the Austrian government used vaccine passports to impose a lockdown just for the unvaccinated. There is no example, anywhere in the world, where the use of vaccine passports has significantly reduced or eliminated transmission of Covid. We need serious public health policies, not a reductive ultimatum between life under house arrest or living on tag. Vaccine passports are not a silver bullet solution – in fact, there’s no evidence they are any kind of solution at all. To protect public health and avoid future lockdowns we need free and fair access to vaccines and healthcare, adequate support for infectious people to quarantine, a highly effective test and trace system, and proportionate public safety measures.
BOYCOTT
COVID PASSES
MPS JOIN CROSS-PARTY PLEDGE OPPOSING COVID PASSES
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Name
Party
Diane Abbott MP
Labour
Bell Ribeiro-Addy MP
Labour
Tahir Ali MP
Labour
Rebecca Long Bailey MP
Labour
Clive Lewis MP
Labour
Beth Winter MP
Labour
Rachel Hopkins MP
Labour
Apsana Begum MP
Labour
Richard Burgon MP
Labour
Ian Byrne MP
Labour
Dawn Butler MP
Labour
Mary Kelly Foy MP
Labour
Ian Lavery MP
Labour
Ian Mearns MP
Labour
John McDonnell MP
Labour
Grahame Morris MP
Labour
Kate Osborne MP
Labour
Zarah Sultana MP
Labour
Claudia Webbe MP
Labour
Mick Whitley MP
Labour
Nadia Whittome MP
Labour
Baroness Chakrabarti
Labour
Baroness Bryan of Partick
Labour
Lord Woodley
Labour
Lord Sikka
Labour
Lord Hendy
Labour
Emma Lewell-Buck MP
Labour
Kim Johnson MP
Labour
Baroness Christine Blower
Labour
Paula Barker MP
Labour
Andrew Gwynne MP
Labour
Jeremy Corbyn MP
Ed Davey MP
Liberal Democrats
Layla Moran MP
Liberal Democrats
Munira Wilson MP
Liberal Democrats
Alistair Carmichael MP
Liberal Democrats
Daisy Cooper MP
Liberal Democrats
Wendy Chamberlain MP
Liberal Democrats
Sarah Olney MP
Liberal Democrats
Christine Jardine MP
Liberal Democrats
Jamie Stone MP
Liberal Democrats
Tim Farron MP
Liberal Democrats
Wera Hobhouse MP
Liberal Democrats
Sarah Green MP
Liberal Democrats
Lord Scriven
Liberal Democrats
Lord Strasburger
Liberal Democrats
Lord Tyler
Liberal Democrats
Lord Clement-Jones
Liberal Democrats
Baroness Sarah Ludford
Liberal Democrats
Baroness Brinton
Liberal Democrats
Mark Harper MP
Conservative Party
Steve Baker MP
Conservative Party
Sir Iain Duncan Smith MP
Conservative Party
Harriett Baldwin MP
Conservative Party
Esther McVey MP
Conservative Party
Adam Afriyie MP
Conservative Party
Bob Blackman MP
Conservative Party
Sir Graham Brady MP
Conservative Party
Nus Ghani MP
Conservative Party
Andrew Mitchell MP
Conservative Party
Peter Bone MP
Conservative Party
Ben Bradley MP
Conservative Party
Andrew Bridgen MP
Conservative Party
Paul Bristow MP
Conservative Party
Philip Davies MP
Conservative Party
Richard Drax MP
Conservative Party
Jonathan Djanogly MP
Conservative Party
Chris Green MP
Conservative Party
Philip Hollobone MP
Conservative Party
Adam Holloway MP
Conservative Party
David Jones MP
Conservative Party
Simon Jupp MP
Conservative Party
Andrew Lewer MBE MP
Conservative Party
Julian Lewis MP
Conservative Party
Karl McCartney MP
Conservative Party
Craig Mackinlay MP
Conservative Party
Anthony Mangnall MP
Conservative Party
Stephen McPartland MP
Conservative Party
Anne Marie Morris MP
Conservative Party
Sir John Redwood MP
Conservative Party
Andrew Rosindell MP
Conservative Party
Greg Smith MP
Conservative Party
Henry Smith MP
Conservative Party
Julian Sturdy MP
Conservative Party
Sir Desmond Swayne MP
Conservative Party
Sir Robert Syms MP
Conservative Party
Craig Tracey MP
Conservative Party
Jamie Wallis MP
Conservative Party
David Warburton MP
Conservative Party
William Wragg MP
Conservative Party
Sir Charles Walker MP
Conservative Party
David Davis MP
Conservative Party
Simon Fell MP
Conservative Party
Lord Moylan
Conservative Party
Baroness Helena Morrissey
Conservative Party
Pauline Latham OBE MP
Conservative Party
Caroline Lucas MP
Green Party
Baroness Jenny Jones
Green Party
The Lord Bishop of St Albans (Rt Revd Dr Alan Smith)
Big Brother Watch
Liberty
Migrants Organise
Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants
medConfidential
Privacy International
Pregnant Then Screwed
Manifesto Club
The Runnymede Trust
Open Rights Group
Medact
9 REASONS WHY COVID PASSES MUST BE STOPPED
1. UNNECESSARY
2. DISCRIMINATORY
3. COUNTER-PRODUCTIVE
4. CHECKPOINT SOCIETY
5. SURVEILLANCE STATE
6. MISSION CREEP
7. IRREVERSIBLE
8. DIVISIVE
9. AUTONOMY
FAQs
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